Book Second, Part I

Yule explains that this is the complete Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's travels, including annotated translation and supplementary notes, covering Polo's journey across Asia to the Mongol Empire with extensive scholarly apparatus.

Yule notes that despite the book's intrinsic interest, it raises difficult questions about proper identifications, interpretation of terms, dating of events, and the language in which it was written.

Though Ramusio's account contains errors of detail, Yule judges it essential because it preserves genuine traditions of the Traveller that could not have been spun in later times.

Yule cites Ramusio's argument that subsequent discoveries by Portuguese explorers and others have confirmed many of Polo's geographical claims that had been dismissed as fabulous.

Yule presents Ramusio's argument that Polo's overland journeys through desperate terrain were more difficult than Columbus's sea voyage, and that Polo's discoveries were not subsequently replicated like Columbus's.

Yule recounts Ramusio's story of how the Polos, unrecognized by relatives due to their changed appearance and shabby dress, revealed their wealth through dramatic unveilings of precious stones sewn into their garments.

Yule explains that Polo was nicknamed 'Milione' (the Millions) because he frequently used the word 'millions' when describing the Kaan's vast revenues and wealth, which was then an unusual term in Venice.

Yule cites Ramusio's narrative of Marco being put in charge of a galley and captured when the Venetian fleet was defeated at Curzola by the Genoese under Lampa Doria.

Yule reports that upon learning of Marco's travels and qualities, the Genoese treated him with great honor rather than as a prisoner, visiting him daily and giving him presents.

Yule presents Ramusio's narrative of how Marco's continued captivity prompted his father to remarry and have other sons, and how Marco eventually gained freedom through Genoese favor and took a wife himself.

Yule records Ramusio's genealogical information showing how the Polo family line ended when Marco's daughters married into other families, with the family property passing to the Trevisan line.

Yule describes the state of the Levantine regions, noting Venice's advantages and Genoa's rivalry, the various Mongol sovereignties under Chinghiz's descendants, and the untouched Dravidian kingdoms of Southern India.

Yule explains how the Mongol Empire was splitting into four great monarchies under descendants of Chinghiz's sons, with various regional rulers maintaining nominal allegiance to the Great Kaan.

Yule notes that Kublai ascended the chief throne before his predecessor Mangku's death in 1259, and moved the capital from Kara Korum to more populous regions in Eastern China.

Yule explains how Northern China had been ruled by foreign dynasties—first the Khitan (Liao), then the Jurchen (Tai-Kin)—before Mongol conquest, and how Southern China still remained under the native Sung dynasty.

Yule presents various legendary accounts of the Polo family's origins—from companions of Antenor or King Venetus, or from Paolo the first Doge—but judges the tradition of coming from Sebenico in Dalmatia as most trustworthy.

Yule reports that members of the Polo family appeared in Venetian records from the 11th century, eventually establishing themselves as confirmed noble families with seats in the Great Council.

Yule reports that recent documentary evidence has definitively established Marco's claims to nobility through his designation as 'Nobilis Vir' in judicial documents and council resolutions.

Yule describes how Marco the Elder (the traveller's grandfather) was established in Constantinople and Soldaia, had children there, and made his will in 1280.

Yule recounts how Nicolo and Maffeo, the father and uncle of Marco the Traveller, set out from Constantinople to Crimea and then progressed northward via the Volga to Bokhara and eventually the Great Kaan's court.

Yule notes that friars Plano Carpini and William Rubruquis had previously reached the Mongol court and reported on Cathay, establishing the reality of this distant civilization for Europeans.

Yule describes how Kublai was delighted with the Venetian brothers, listened with interest to their accounts of Europe, and desired to send them back as ambassadors to the Pope with letters requesting missionaries.

Yule reports that the brothers reached Acre in 1269 to find no Pope elected; they returned to Venice where Nicolo found his wife dead but his son Marco now fifteen years old.

Yule explores whether Maffeo was younger or older than Marco, and whether they shared the same mother, based on his will and various textual accounts.

Yule recounts how the brothers set out again for the East, taking young Marco with them, after finally obtaining a Pope (Gregory X.) who could provide letters but only two Dominican friars instead of the hundred teachers Kublai had requested.

Yule conjectures that the Polos probably traveled via Ayas, Sivas, and Mosul to Hormuz, then turned north through Persia, Khorasan, and over the Pamir plateau to eventually reach Kublai at Kai-ping fu around May 1275.

Yule describes how Marco quickly impressed Kublai through his discretion and ability, acquired languages and written characters, was appointed as an official, and undertook various missions throughout the Mongol Empire.

Yule reports that Marco's first mission took him through several Chinese provinces to the remote province of Yunnan, where he gathered information about curious peoples, customs, and products that pleased the Kaan.

Yule notes that while details are sparse, Marco apparently held the governorship of Yang-chau for three years, visited Kan-chau and Kara Korum, and undertook a mission to the Indian Seas.

Yule explains how Arghun Khan's widow-bride commission and the Polos' reputation in navigation led to Kublai sending them with the Mongol princess Kokachin by sea to Persia, a perilous voyage lasting over two years.

Yule reports that the voyage from China to Persia involved long detentions, losses of life including many in the suite, and the death of Arghun Khan before the party even arrived in Persia.

Yule states that the Polos reached Venice sometime in 1295, having learned of significant changes during their 24-year absence, and began reintegrating into Venetian society.

Yule provides extensive technical details about how medieval galleys were constructed, manned, and rowed, including the system of multiple oars per bench and crew sizes.

Yule describes the escalating jealousies and wars between Venice and Genoa over Mediterranean trade, with specific attention to conflicts in the Levant and the rivalry over access to Eastern trade routes.

Yule describes a Genoese naval victory over Venetian forces off Ayas in which the Genoese defeated a larger Venetian fleet, capturing and burning numerous ships.

Yule recounts how the Genoese prepared a powerful fleet under Lamba Doria and sailed it to the Adriatic to attack Venice in her home waters, eventually reaching Curzola.

Yule describes how the Venetian and Genoese fleets encountered each other near Curzola on 6-7 September 1298, with the Genoese gaining a decisive victory and capturing most of the Venetian fleet.

Yule reports that Marco Polo was among the over 7000 prisoners taken at Curzola and was carried to Genoa in captivity, eventually spending time in the Genoese prison.

Yule acknowledges that contemporary documentation of Marco's capture at Curzola is lacking, but argues that Ramusio's account and contemporary implications in Rusticiano's preamble provide reasonable grounds for belief.

Yule suggests that Rusticiano of Pisa was likely among the surviving prisoners from the 1284 Battle of Meloria, held captive in Genoa for years before meeting Marco in 1298.

Yule identifies Rusticiano as the compiler of French prose romances of the Round Table cycle, reworking earlier compositions by such figures as Robert and Hélis de Borron.

Yule cites Paulin Paris's view that Rusticiano was an industrious but simple man who worked hastily, without method or much judgment, rearranging sources and creating narrative confusions.

Yule argues that the unique preface formula common to both Rusticiano's romance compilations and Marco Polo's book definitively establishes that they are the work of the same person.

Yule notes that Rusticiano likely derived his real name from the Italian form Rustichello, was released after peace between Genoa and Pisa in 1299, and is not heard of again.

Yule presents sparse but significant records from documents showing Marco's activities and status in Venice after 1299, including his acquisition of property and business dealings.

Yule cites documentary evidence from 1305 showing Marco officially designated as 'Milione,' confirming the nickname's authentic use in Venetian government records.

Yule describes how Marco presented a copy of his book to the French knight Thibault de Cepoy during the latter's embassy to Venice in 1306-1307 on behalf of Charles of Valois.

Yule reports that Marco married a woman named Donata and had three daughters—Fantina, Bellela, and Moreta—who were all married by or shortly after 1324.

Yule cites a 1311 court case in which Marco sued a commission merchant for failure to account for a shipment of musk, the only known document showing Marco engaged in practical trade.

Yule presents the complete text of Marco's will from 9 January 1324, showing his bequests, the names of his family members, and his arrangement for burial in the Church of S. Lorenzo.

Yule reports that Marco died sometime after making his will in January 1324, was buried in the Church of S. Lorenzo as instructed, though no monument was erected to him.

Yule traces the subsequent history of Marco's daughters and their marriages, noting how the family property passed to the Trevisan line and eventually produced a Doge.

Yule explains that the book consists of a Prologue (personal narrative) and a long series of chapters describing Asian regions, the Mongol court, and later historical wars.

Yule argues through extensive evidence that Marco's book was originally dictated in French (a rough Franco-Venetian jargon) to Rusticiano, not in Latin or Italian as previously believed.

Yule examines the oldest known Italian manuscript (L'Ottima) from 1309 and shows that it is a translation from French, not an original Italian composition.

Yule argues that the French Geographic Text represents the nearest approximation to what Rusticiano actually wrote down from Marco's oral dictation, with all its roughness and repetitions.

Yule explains why the use of French for Polo's book was not unusual, citing widespread use of French among literati across Europe in the 13th-14th centuries.

Yule establishes a taxonomy of Polo texts: Type I (Geographic, oldest French), Type II (remodeled French, possibly Marco-approved), Type III (Pipino's Latin), and Type IV (Ramusio's Italian).

Yule analyzes the French manuscripts that Pauthier used, noting they show revision and improvement but also omissions and errors, without the perfection claimed by Pauthier.

Yule identifies that Type II texts divide into two distinct recensions, with the Bern/Oxford manuscripts representing an older form than those of Pauthier's A and B.

Yule describes Pipino's Latin version as more condensed than Type I, divided into three books, and showing signs of derivative rather than direct translation from an Italian version.

Yule criticizes the Latin version published by Grynaeus as a retranslation from a Romance language version of Pipino, introducing modifications, generalizations, and sciolism that make it virtually worthless.

Yule analyzes how Ramusio's Italian version deviates substantially from all other text types through additions, omissions, textual modifications, and apparent interpolations from other sources.

Yule catalogs numerous instances where Ramusio substituted more modern place names for Polo's terms, altered facts to fit erroneous dates, and made other editorialchanges.

Yule argues that certain specific details found only in Ramusio (regarding the Yak, goitre at Yarkand, water-tight ship compartments, sugar refining from Egypt, etc.) are likely authentic recollections of Marco himself.

Yule proposes that Ramusio probably worked from Pipino's Latin combined with supplementary notes that Marco himself added to a copy of his book in his later years.

Yule briefly describes a remarkable Irish-language version of Polo's book found in the Book of Lismore, which was made from Pipino's Latin around 1460.

Yule argues that Polo's preeminence rests more on the breadth of his journeys and the romance of his history than on transcendent superiority of character, with Rubruquis perhaps offering richer detail.

Yule catalogs Polo's authentic contributions: first to trace a complete route across Asia's longitude, first to reveal China's wealth and scale, first to describe numerous Asian regions and peoples previously unknown to Europeans.

Yule attempts to infer Marco's character from his writings: a practical, brave, shrewd, prudent man interested in commerce and hunting, with respect for ascetics but contempt for heretics.

Yule notes that Polo's book contains almost no humor and shows little scientific knowledge, unlike some contemporary travelers, relying instead on descriptive narrative and practical observation.

Yule explains that Polo uses consistent directional bearings and estimated distances, though sometimes with notable errors, such as his conception of Arabian coastal cities' positions.

Yule catalogs significant gaps in Polo's Chinese observations—the Great Wall, tea, foot-binding, cormorant fishing, printing—suggesting his contacts were chiefly with foreign officials.

Yule acknowledges that Polo makes errors regarding Chinghiz's death, his successors' relationships, and the chronology of events, with the Saianfu siege account being particularly problematic.

Yule speculates that Rusticiano may have influenced the bombastic style of battle descriptions, though it seems unlikely given Polo's generally sober tone.

Yule demonstrates through references to the Iron Gate, Gog and Magog, Alexander's marriage to Darius's daughter, and the Arbre Sol that Polo knew the legendary histories of Alexander.

Yule cites evidence that Polo's reputation in his lifetime and immediately after was questionable, with some contemporaries dismissing his book as fabulous and friends urging him on his deathbed to retract his claims.

Yule argues against Ramusio's claim of immediate widespread diffusion, noting that the number of surviving manuscripts suggests more modest circulation than works like Maundevile's.

Yule notes that Dante never mentions Polo or Cathay in the Divine Comedy, and contemporary literary references to Marco are remarkably sparse, suggesting limited immediate impact.

Yule identifies five definite contemporary references to Marco Polo: the Thibault de Cepoy note, Pipino's preface, Jacopo d'Acqui's mention, Villani's reference, and Pietro of Abano's personal account.

Yule demonstrates that the early 14th-century French romance borrowed at least seven distinct themes from Polo's book, reworking them with poetic freedom into a crusading narrative.

Yule argues that Polo's vast new facts did not immediately revolutionize geographical knowledge due to the imperfect nature of medieval publication, traditional approaches to geography, and lack of scientific principle.

Yule explains how medieval maps were dominated by theological and traditional conceptions, with Jerusalem at the center and the inhabited world arranged in a T-O format within an encircling ocean.

Yule praises Roger Bacon's attempts to criticize and improve geographical knowledge through consultation of actual travelers like Rubruquis, though he lacked sufficient materials for comprehensive improvement.

Yule notes that despite having capable geographers and access to Ptolemy, Arab maps remained on the old circular-disk system, which acted as a drag on geographical progress.

Yule analyzes Marino Sanudo's map (1300-1320) as an exceptionally favorable specimen of medieval geography, though still dominated by traditional conceptions of Jerusalem as Earth's center.

Yule argues that the Catalan Map represents the fullest realization of Polo's geographical influence on medieval cartography, using his book as a foundation for depicting Central Asia and India.

Yule describes how the 16th century produced cartographic confusions by attempting to combine Polo's nomenclature with Ptolemy's systems, displacing Cathay northward and creating a problematic hybrid.

Yule traces how Polo's names gradually disappeared from maps as Russian knowledge of Northern Asia and Jesuit surveys improved geographical understanding through the 17th and 18th centuries.

Yule critically examines the allegation that Marco Polo brought Chinese block-printed books that inspired European printing development, finding the evidence entirely worthless.

Yule analyzes the Castaldi tradition crediting Pamphilo Castaldi with learning printing from Polo's books, finding it dubious though acknowledging that block-printing techniques likely came from China.

Yule notes that the regular trade between Italy and China during the 14th century meant many travelers besides Polo could have brought block-printed books, making the Polo attribution speculative.

Yule justifies his choice to translate from Pauthier's condensed text while incorporating material from the Geographic Text and selected genuine passages from Ramusio.

Yule explains his approach of selecting the truest manuscript readings for place names, adopting English spelling forms, and recognizing that Polo's spellings, though in Italian fashion, are generally accurate representations of Oriental terms.

Yule demonstrates that Polo's rendering of Chinese city names ending in -tchéou as -giu is a consistent, nearly universal principle that represents accurate phonetic transcription.