Book IV

Aristotle argues that any master legislator must understand not only the best form of government in absolute terms, but also which form suits particular circumstances, and how to establish and preserve any given form.

Aristotle criticizes writers who describe ideal forms of government without regard to whether they can be practically implemented or are suitable for actual cities.

States have many parts and classes (rich, poor, middle; husbandmen, merchants, artificers), so there must necessarily be many different government forms depending on which groups share power.

Aristotle asserts that all governments ultimately reduce to two primary forms—democracy (rule of the many) and oligarchy (rule of the few)—with other forms being variations.

Aristotle rejects the simple definition that democracy is rule by the majority, using examples to show that the essential distinction is whether freemen or the rich hold supreme power.

Just as animals have different species based on variations in their parts (mouth, belly, sensorium), cities have different government forms based on variations in their constituent groups.

Aristotle lists eight essential parts of a city: farmers, mechanics, merchants, laborers, soldiers, wealthy citizens, magistrates, and judges.

Aristotle faults Socrates/Plato for listing only four functional groups and treating war and justice as secondary rather than recognizing them as essential city functions.

Although the city has many parts, the most significant division for determining government type is between the rich and poor, since these two groups cannot both be wealthy or poor simultaneously.

A pure democracy is characterized by equality before the law, with neither rich nor poor in greater subjection, and with government offices open equally to all.

Another form of democracy uses a moderate property census for eligibility, allowing anyone above that threshold to participate.

A third species admits all non-infamous citizens to government, with law rather than popular opinion being supreme.

A fourth species has no property qualifications and is governed by popular decree rather than law, where demagogues gain influence.

Aristotle draws an analogy between how demagogues manipulate the demos in pure democracies and how flatterers manipulate tyrants, with both wielding despotic power.

For a government to be truly a free state rather than despotic democracy, law must be supreme over popular decrees.

An oligarchy where office depends on a property qualification that excludes the poor majority.

An oligarchy where magistrates fill vacancies from within their own class rather than from the general community.

An oligarchic form where power passes by inheritance through noble families.

A form of oligarchy analogous to tyranny, where a few rule without law, called a dynasty.

A government's actual operation may diverge from its formal structure; customs and events can shift a state toward oligarchy or democracy while formal laws remain unchanged.

Multiple forms exist because different classes—husbandmen, artificers, merchants, sailors—can each have varying interests and levels of participation.

When husbandmen and those of moderate property have supreme power, they govern by law because their economic duties leave them little leisure for public business.

Another democratic form exists where every freeman can hold office, with law supreme because no one is paid for assembly attendance.

The latest and most radical form of democracy arose in large cities where the poor majority could attend assemblies full-time, having been paid wages, thus concentrating power in the masses rather than law.

An oligarchy where men of moderate property govern and law is supreme because their numbers are large enough to prevent any single person from dominating.

When property is concentrated in very few hands with large fortunes, those wealthy create laws to maintain their power over others.

As wealth concentrates further, oligarchs monopolize offices through hereditary succession laws, approaching a fourth form.

A true aristocracy, where the best men rule on virtuous principles, is distinct from oligarchy; other states called aristocracies are mixed forms valuing both wealth and virtue.

True aristocracy is the highest form; other aristocracies exist where both rich and virtuous share power, or where a free state inclines toward oligarchy.

A free state is a balanced mixture of democratic and oligarchic elements, positioned between them on the spectrum.

Three methods can blend democracy and oligarchy: adopting rules common to both, taking a mean between their practices, or combining elements from each.

Sparta demonstrates successful mixture of democratic and oligarchic elements, making it describable as both, with stability arising from the balance.

Governments can be mixed by: adopting common rules, taking a mean between practices, or selecting specific elements from each type.

Tyranny is rule by one person over equals and superiors without accountability, pursuing his own advantage rather than the governed's, and requiring compulsion.

Citizens of moderate fortune are best at obeying reason and law, avoiding the excesses and vices of the very rich and very poor.

Cities with a substantial middle class are less prone to sedition and tyranny, as the poor and rich cannot easily combine against the balanced middle.

Historical evidence shows that excellent legislators like Solon, Lycurgus, and Charondas came from the middle class.

When the middle class dwindles, either the rich or poor become dominant and establish oligarchy or democracy according to their victory.

Military conquerors establish governments matching their own states rather than what suits the conquered city, and rarely favor middle-class rule.

Once the best form is known, one can rank other forms, determining which is preferable for particular cities and circumstances.

The party supporting the current government must always outnumber those seeking to change it for stability to be maintained.

States consist of quality (liberty, riches, education, family) and quantity (population); these must be properly balanced to determine stable government form.

If husbandmen have more power than other classes, the result is a democratic form; if the rich and noble prevail, an oligarchic form arises.

The middle rank serves as the best arbitrator between rich and poor, preventing either from dominating the state.

Would-be aristocratic founders err by giving excessive power to the rich while deceiving the poor, creating real harm rather than good.

The wealthy use five tactics to undermine democratic rights: differential fines for assembly attendance, office-swearing rules, court penalties, military service rules, and gymnastic exercise requirements.

Where oligarchies fine the rich and not the poor, democracies pay the poor and not the rich; a proper balance would extend both to all citizens.

In a free state, full citizenship rights should extend to those who bear arms, and the property census should be set to include the majority.

The earliest Greek states after kingship were governed by the military class; as foot soldiers became more important, more citizens gained political rights, creating republics or democracies.

The public assembly determines matters of war, peace, alliances, laws, capital punishment, and magistrate accountability; different governments distribute these powers differently.

Democracies distribute assembly powers variously: by rotation, through councils of magistrates, through full assemblies for major matters only, or through assemblies for election and oversight with magistrates handling specific business.

Oligarchies limit deliberative power to a propertied class, either through census requirements or through co-opted councils, varying in adherence to law.

Pure democracies benefit from frequent public assemblies; they should adopt oligarchic court practices of fining non-attendees and paying the poor to attend.

Oligarchies should give the common people some role through councils or pre-advisers to propose legislation, allowing participation without disorder.

In democracies, the people have power to pardon but not condemn; in oligarchies, the few pardon but the people condemn (reversed from democracies).

Magistrate appointment varies in: who appoints (all citizens or some), who is eligible (all or a certain rank), and the method (vote or lot).

Not all elected officials are magistrates; priests, heralds, and ambassadors differ from civil magistrates who command or have deliberative/judicial authority.

Large states benefit from specialization with one office per person; small states must assign multiple offices to few citizens due to limited population.

Different magistrates handle different matters and may have jurisdiction determined by location, subject matter, or type of person involved.

Different government forms require different magistrates and powers; what works for aristocracy may not suit oligarchy or democracy.

Pre-advisers suit oligarchy but not democracy; a magistrate controlling youth and women suits aristocracy but not democracy or oligarchy.

Magistrate selection varies by who appoints (all or some), who is eligible (all, some by class, or some by other criteria), and method (vote, lot, or both).

Different combinations of who appoints, eligibility criteria, and voting/lot methods create numerous electoral variants across democratic, oligarchic, and aristocratic forms.

True democracies select all magistrates from all people, either by vote, lot, or combination; this affirms equality.

Free states select some magistrates from the whole community, others from particular ranks, mixing vote and lot methods.

Oligarchies choose magistrates from property-qualified classes using vote, lot, or both, with lot being most suited to oligarchic nature.

In aristocracy, whole community elects from particular virtuous ranks by vote; in pure oligarchy, selection stays within ranks by various methods.

Different magistrates have different authority; general differs from market clerk, reflecting specialization in state management.

The judiciary varies in: composition (all people or some), number of court types (eight main categories), and selection method (vote or lot).

Courts handle: magistrate audits, public injuries, state-party cases, magistrate-citizen appeals, contract disputes, foreigner/homicide cases, stranger cases, and small claims.

Judges can be selected by various combinations: all or some citizens, vote or lot, creating four basic types.

Democracy suits all citizens judging all causes; oligarchy suits particular persons judging all causes; aristocracy suits mixed models.