Book II

Aristotle states that he will examine the polities of well-governed states and critique their defects, beginning with the question of how much members of a state should have in common.

Aristotle argues that Plato's goal of making the city excessively unified through common property would actually destroy it, since a city requires a multitude and diversity of roles.

Aristotle argues that if self-sufficiency is desirable, then less unity in the city is better, since a family is more self-sufficient than a city.

Aristotle identifies a logical fallacy in Plato's claim that all citizens saying 'this is mine' proves unity, showing the word 'all' can be used distributively or collectively.

Aristotle argues that property held in common is neglected more than private property, since people care more for what is individually theirs than for shared resources.

Aristotle argues that common children create confusion about paternity and filial duty, citing examples of natural resemblance revealing true parentage.

Aristotle argues that communal children would increase violence and incest, while Plato's inconsistent prohibitions on sexual excess are illogical.

Aristotle argues that the communal system would weaken family bonds and friendship, the greatest goods for a city, since fathers could not recognize sons.

Aristotle shifts focus to examine whether property should be common or private, treating this as a separable question from communal wives and children.

Aristotle argues that when workers have common property rights, disputes arise over unequal labor and produce, citing colonies and public servants as examples.

Aristotle argues that private property combined with voluntary sharing among friends is superior to common property, providing both advantages without drawbacks.

Aristotle argues that private property is necessary for exercising the virtues of generosity and modesty, and for the natural self-love that enables friendship.

Aristotle argues that the communal system seems attractive but actually addresses vice rather than poverty, and empirically causes more disputes than private property.

Aristotle concludes that Socrates's error stems from his false principle that the city should be entirely one, when it should only be unified in some respects.

Aristotle argues that cities should be made one through education, philosophy, and laws concerning manners, not through communal property regulations.

Aristotle criticizes Socrates for not determining whether farmers and artisans should have common property and whether they would obey military rule.

Aristotle argues that having common wives with separate property is impractical since women would not manage domestic affairs with equal care.

Aristotle argues that Plato's system of permanent magistrates based on a belief in natural hierarchies of gold, silver, brass, and iron causes sedition.

Aristotle announces he will briefly examine Plato's Laws treatise, which contains similar defects and has less detailed treatment of governance.

Aristotle criticizes Plato for not specifying whether farmers and artisans have political rights or military duty in his Laws.

Aristotle argues that Plato's Laws essentially resembles his Republic except for the removal of communal wives and property.

Aristotle argues that Plato's proposal to support five thousand idle soldiers plus servants would require enormous territory like Babylonia.

Aristotle argues that a legislator must consider the territory and neighboring states when framing laws, not just propose impossible hypotheses.

Aristotle criticizes Plato for vaguely proposing people live 'moderately' without requiring both moderation and liberality.

Aristotle argues that equal property is absurd without controlling population growth, which Plato leaves to chance.

Aristotle criticizes Plato's comparison of governors to warp and governed to woof as insufficiently detailed.

Aristotle points out Plato's inconsistency in allowing property to increase fivefold while not allowing the country to expand.

Aristotle argues that Plato's assignment of two separate houses to each person is inconvenient.

Aristotle argues that if Plato intended his Laws to be most communal, the name 'polity' fits, but if meant as second-best, it doesn't.

Aristotle notes that some praise mixed government combining oligarchy, monarchy, and democracy, citing Sparta's mixture as superior.

Aristotle observes that Plato's Laws contains no monarchical element, only oligarchic and democratic features.

Aristotle argues that Plato's requirements that magistrates be wealthy and property-owning make the state incline toward oligarchy.

Aristotle argues that Plato's system of forcing wealthy classes to vote while not requiring common citizens creates oligarchic bias.

Aristotle warns that allowing elected senators to choose their successors enables small factions to control elections.

Aristotle transitions to examining other proposed governments that are more realistic than Plato's two ideals.

Aristotle introduces Phaleas of Chalcedon, who proposed making citizens' fortunes equal through unequal dowry practices.

Aristotle notes Plato's proposal to limit property to no more than five times the lowest holding.

Aristotle argues that legislating equal property while ignoring population growth will force repeal of the law and impoverish citizens.

Aristotle cites Solon and others as ancients who recognized that property equality strengthens society.

Aristotle argues that legislating total equality in property is improper; a moderate sufficiency is better.

Aristotle argues that similar values and education matter more than equal property for preventing sedition.

Aristotle criticizes Phaleas for not specifying what kind of education, since improper education can still create ambition.

Aristotle argues that equal goods will cause sedition among the vulgar, while equal honors cause it among the virtuous.

Aristotle argues that men commit crimes not just from hunger but from ambition for luxury and pleasure.

Aristotle proposes: subsistence to prevent theft from necessity, temperance for theft of luxuries, and philosophy for pleasure.

Aristotle argues that killing tyrants is more praiseworthy than killing thieves, since ambition causes worse crimes than necessity.

Aristotle criticizes Phaleas for failing to consider military strength and relations with neighboring states.

Aristotle argues that the ideal property level is rich enough to resist invasion but not so rich as to tempt powerful neighbors.

Aristotle argues that equal property cannot prevent sedition among ambitious men, whose desires are boundless.

Aristotle concludes that preventing the good from wanting more and the bad from acquiring more matters more than equal fortune.

Aristotle criticizes Phaleas for regulating only land while ignoring slaves, cattle, money, and other property.

Aristotle argues that Phaleas's system, with all artisans as public servants, appears designed for a very small state.

Aristotle introduces Hippodamus of Miletus as the inventor of town planning and first non-politician to theorize about government.

Aristotle describes Hippodamus's plan for a state of ten thousand divided into artisans, husbandmen, and soldiers.

Aristotle notes that Hippodamus proposed only three types of laws corresponding to three types of legal cases.

Aristotle describes Hippodamus's proposal for a court of appeal and judges writing verdicts on tablets rather than voting.

Aristotle notes that Hippodamus proposed rewards for discoverers of useful inventions and public support for children of fallen soldiers.

Aristotle describes Hippodamus's system of electing magistrates to guard public property, strangers' affairs, and orphans.

Aristotle argues that dividing citizens into three parts with different arms and property creates inequality and practical difficulties.

Aristotle argues that excluding farmers and artisans from office prevents them from supporting the government.

Aristotle questions whether husbandmen contribute to the community if they only cultivate private property.

Aristotle argues that Hippodamus creates confusion about whether soldiers or others cultivate the common and private land.

Aristotle argues that Hippodamus's system of judges writing partial verdicts confuses arbitration with judgment.

Aristotle argues that judges who simply acquit or condemn cannot be guilty of perjury if the action was fairly brought.

Aristotle argues that Hippodamus's proposal to reward informers, while attractive theoretically, would encourage them and cause commotions.

Aristotle raises the general question of whether it is beneficial to alter established laws.

Aristotle argues that medicine, gymnastics, and other arts have advanced beyond their ancient practice.

Aristotle illustrates with examples of primitive Greek laws allowing sword-bearing in cities and wife-purchase.

Aristotle argues that people should follow what is right rather than what is established, since ancients lacked knowledge.

Aristotle argues that general written laws cannot capture particular cases, so some laws need alteration.

Aristotle argues that habit of obeying laws matters more than correcting small faults, so alterations must be justified.

Aristotle argues that laws derive strength from custom in ways arts do not, making alteration more dangerous.

Aristotle lists unresolved questions about whether all laws should be altered and under what conditions.

Aristotle announces he will examine whether Spartan and Cretan laws promote the best establishment possible.

Aristotle notes that every well-regulated state should free citizens from servile work, but implementation is difficult.

Aristotle observes that Spartan Helots and Thessalian Penestse revolt, but Cretan slaves do not, likely due to geographic isolation.

Aristotle argues that neither harsh nor lenient treatment of slaves works well, and proper method remains unsolved.

Aristotle argues that unregulated women constitute half the city ungoverned and harm the state's prosperity.

Aristotle criticizes Sparta for allowing women complete liberty in indulgence and luxury contrary to law.

Aristotle argues that where women hold power through governing men, it harms the state and its military.

Aristotle cites the Theban invasion as proof that Spartan women's liberty was useless and caused disorder.

Aristotle explains that Spartan women gained liberty due to long male absences during wars, and Lycurgus failed to restrain them.

Aristotle argues that whether women or legislators are at fault is less important than determining proper regulation.

Aristotle criticizes Sparta's unequal property division despite Lycurgus's laws against buying and selling property.

Aristotle argues that allowing women to be heirs concentrates land in few hands, contrary to Lycurgus's intent.

Aristotle notes that unrestricted female inheritance reduced Sparta's military capacity below its theoretical maximum.

Aristotle argues that equal property tends to increase population, as seen in Sparta's history.

Aristotle argues that Lycurgus's law incentivizing large families was ineffective because property inequality persisted.

Aristotle criticizes the selection of ephori from the general population as enabling bribery and corruption.

Aristotle argues that despite corruption, ephori selection from the people is good for the state's stability.

Aristotle argues that ephori making important judicial decisions should follow law rather than individual judgment.

Aristotle criticizes the ephori for living indulgently while others live severely, causing them to act against law.

Aristotle argues that while the senate should be trained to virtue, making them judges for life is unsafe.

Aristotle notes that senators have been proven guilty of bribery and partiality in public affairs.

Aristotle argues that senators, unlike ephori, are not held accountable for their conduct.

Aristotle criticizes the Spartan system where senators must solicit office, filling the senate with ambitious men.

Aristotle argues that ambitious men are more likely to commit deliberate crimes.

Aristotle defers detailed examination of whether kingship is useful but argues kings should be selected by conduct.

Aristotle argues that Lycurgus's policies of distrust show he did not expect to make all citizens honorable.

Aristotle notes that Crete funded common meals publicly while Sparta required individual contributions.

Aristotle criticizes Spartan law giving naval commanders authority opposing the kings' lifelong command.

Aristotle argues that Sparta's constitution was calculated only for war, causing its destruction through victory.

Aristotle argues that while Sparta rightly valued virtue in acquiring things, it wrongly preferred the acquisitions over virtue.

Aristotle argues that Sparta's large territory allowed citizens to avoid taxes, making the state poor while individuals were avaricious.

Aristotle notes that Crete's constitution resembles Sparta's in some respects but is generally inferior.

Aristotle argues that Sparta's Lycurgus adopted laws from Crete after his guardianship of the king.

Aristotle asserts that generally new developments represent improvements over what came before.

Aristotle describes how Crete's geography enabled Minos to create a naval empire through conquest and colonization.

Aristotle notes that both Crete and Sparta use slave labor, have common meals, and similar magistracies.

Aristotle praises Crete for funding common meals from taxes and slave labor instead of individual contributions.

Aristotle argues that Crete's system of common funding for meals allowed all citizens including women and children to be maintained.

Aristotle notes that Cretan legislators promoted pederasty to limit population, which he will evaluate later.

Aristotle argues that Crete's kosmoi contain all ephori faults plus unique problems.

Aristotle criticizes Crete for selecting kosmoi and senators from limited families rather than all citizens.

Aristotle argues that kosmoi holding life office without legal control is dangerous, unlike the better Spartan system.

Aristotle notes that Crete's isolation prevents bribery of magistrates, unlike mainland Sparta.

Aristotle criticizes Crete's practice of allowing magistrates to be removed by factional conspiracy.

Aristotle argues that Cretan magistrates' power to obstruct justice shows the government is tyrannical.

Aristotle argues that both sudden violent overthrow and gradual constitutional change destroying the state are equally bad.

Aristotle argues that Crete's island situation protects it from foreign invasion despite internal defects.

Aristotle notes that Cretan domestic slaves stay peaceful while Spartan Helots constantly revolt.

Aristotle argues that recent foreign attack on Crete proved the ineffectiveness of its laws.

Aristotle introduces Carthage as having an excellent and stable constitution superior in many respects.

Aristotle praises Carthage for admitting popular participation while avoiding both tyranny and major insurrections.

Aristotle argues that Carthage's magistrates are chosen more carefully from the better sort than Sparta's.

Aristotle praises Carthage for choosing the most able king regardless of family or age.

Aristotle explains how Carthage's constitution contains mechanisms that can produce either democracy or oligarchy.

Aristotle describes how Carthaginian kings and senate can decide whether to bring matters to the people.

Aristotle notes that Carthaginians can appeal to the people and anyone can speak against proposals.

Aristotle describes the powerful five magistrates who select the hundred magistrates.

Aristotle argues that selecting magistrates by lot and eligibility restrictions produces oligarchic effects.

Aristotle notes that having all cases determined by the same magistrates rather than different courts enables consistency.

Aristotle argues that requiring magistrates to be wealthy shifts the constitution from aristocracy toward oligarchy.

Aristotle notes that Carthage uniquely considers both personal ability and wealth when selecting magistrates.

Aristotle criticizes the Carthaginian legislator for not preventing the constitution's shift from aristocracy to oligarchy.

Aristotle argues that legislatures should provide leisure for the able to serve rather than requiring wealthy magistrates.

Aristotle argues that requiring wealthy magistrates makes offices venal, with money becoming more honorable than virtue.

Aristotle criticizes Carthage for allowing one person to hold multiple offices.

Aristotle argues that one person doing one job is best, and government should follow this principle.

Aristotle notes that Carthage appoints popular figures to govern cities, allowing them to increase fortunes and stabilize the system.

Aristotle argues that Carthage's stability is accidental rather than secured by legislated safeguards.

Aristotle argues that if a calamity causes the people to rebel, Carthage has no constitutional remedy.

Aristotle concludes that these three governments have worthy features despite their defects.

Aristotle distinguishes between private theorists, legislators of single cities, and those regulating foreign states.

Aristotle praises Solon for dissolving pure oligarchy and establishing a balanced mixed constitution.

Aristotle describes how Solon's constitution maintained the oligarchic Senate, aristocratic magistrate election, and democratic courts.

Aristotle argues that Solon intended balanced government but popular juries created pure democracy.

Aristotle explains that later reformers shifted power further toward democracy by weakening Areopagus and paying jurors.

Aristotle argues that the people's role in naval victory created popular pressure that Solon did not intend.

Aristotle notes that Solon required magistrates be elected from wealthy classes, not the poorest.

Aristotle introduces Zaleucus, Charondas, and other early Western Greek legislators.

Aristotle notes claims that Onomacritus was the first lawgiver, teaching Lycurgus and Zaleucus, but this contradicts chronology.

Aristotle describes Philolaus following Diocles to Thebes where they legislated together.

Aristotle cites Philolaus's laws on adoption as examples of his legislative innovations.

Aristotle notes that Charondas was first to specifically address perjury actions.

Aristotle summarizes Plato's main legislative proposals including communal women and property, and regulations on drunkenness.

Aristotle notes that Draco's laws were published for an established government and were notable only for harsh punishments.

Aristotle describes Pittacus's law that drunken violence received harsher punishment than sober violence.

Aristotle notes that Andromadas created laws on murders and heiresses with nothing particularly novel.

Aristotle concludes his examination of various actual and proposed forms of government.